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A mural by Jesus Cruz Artiles in Berlin depicts George Floyd, who died in police custody in Minneapolis on May 29, saying "I can't breath."

Getty Images George FLoyd Mural

Jody Armour remembers the first time he saw a video of Rodney King being beaten by Los Angeles police officers in the spring of 1991. And the second time. And the third time. And many after that. 

The video of police beating King, an unarmed black man, in a parking lot had saturated the airwaves shortly after it happened on March 3. Newly launched 24-hour cable news networks like CNN played it on a near constant loop.



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"Those were some of the first days that you could turn on the TV anytime day or night and see news," he said. And at that time, when he was starting his teaching career at the University of Pittsburgh School of Law, it was the biggest story in the country. "The cable news knew the images of that would be arresting."








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Three decades later and Armour, now a law professor at University of Southern California, is watching another gruesome video of police and an unarmed black man. Like King, this unarmed black man was filmed by a bystander as he was abused by the police. But that's where the similarities end. 

King's video was taken at a distance, and the bits replayed on TV were blurry. Today's video clearly showed the victim's face as he was pinned on the ground, wincing in pain, gasping for breath and calling out for his mother. And this video is punctuated by a Minneapolis police officer, leaning his knee on the man's neck for what would be 8 minutes and 46 seconds. 

Unlike King, this man died in police custody. His name was George Floyd.

The video of Floyd's final moments made its way to international TV, www.google.com but that's not where many people saw it. Instead, millions were introduced to Floyd through Twitter, Instagram, Facebook and YouTube. The horrifying video, shot vertically like so many TikTok dances and happy selfies, spread around the internet alongside hashtags for this generation's civil rights movement: #BlackLivesMatter.



Phones have become a key tool in protests.

Getty Images

The digital age has transformed how information spreads around the world, and so too has it changed the reaction to another unarmed black man's death. In years past, shocking images would fill TV screens, newspapers and hashtags around the world. When local police shot and killed another unarmed black man named Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, in 2014, thousands of people gathered there to protest day and night.

Unlike with Brown, who was shot at least six times, there's video evidence of Floyd's final moments. It's hard to watch and leaves little question as to how he was treated.

Protesters quickly took to the streets as the video spread, marching in every major US city and around the world, despite the coronavirus pandemic, which has infected 7.5 million patients around the world and killed 423,000 people.

Also unlike previous incidents, which eventually faded as the nation moved on to some new outrage, the prevalence of phone cameras at these protests has brought a steady stream of new examples of police brutality, keeping us focused on the fight to end racial inequality and to overhaul police departments as institutions.

As activists march, they hold signs asking if they might be the next unarmed black person to die at the hands of the police. Others ask how many more incidents haven't been videotaped.

They remind us that if we weren't living in the modern age, with camera-equipped phones in our pockets everywhere we go, we may never have known what happened to Floyd, Armour said. "What it makes me feel is that what we're seeing through these cameras is the tip of the iceberg."


Cameras everywhere
Civil rights activists have relied on cameras and video footage to expose racism, abuse and misconduct for decades.

In the 1960s, Martin Luther King, Jr. and his colleagues organized protests that would grab the media's attention and expose abuse. Cameras were rolling when children marching for equality in Birmingham, Alabama, were hit with water from fire hoses and attacked by police dogs. The cameras were there again when peaceful protesters walked across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama, in 1965, only to be attacked by law enforcement waiting on the other side.



Martin Luther King, Jr. speaks at a rally while a camera films.

Getty Images

"Dr. King and his strategists recognized the need for pictures that would demonstrate the depravity of Jim Crow segregation to a skeptical public," Maurice Berger, a former research professor and chief curator at the Center for Art, Design and Visual Culture at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County, wrote in a 2018 essay for The New York Times. "Seen around the world, these images broke through skepticism and complacency, providing unassailable evidence of the evil of segregation and how it imperiled democracy."

Today, the videos and images aren't just shot by news media, but also by activists, police-worn body cameras, store surveillance footage and random passersby.


"What it makes me feel is that what we're seeing through these cameras is the tip of the iceberg."
Jody Armour, University of Southern California

Social media has also allowed for easy ways to share the shocking images. Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and Twitter's Periscope all have the ability to broadcast live from your phone too. As a result, protesters often are holding phones in front of them, capturing the energy of a march along with any police response. And it's those same phones that have captured police-involved killings of black men such as Eric Garner, Philando Castile, Terence Crutcher and Alton Sterling.

"It shouldn't take that for us to have these conversations," said Rachel Hardeman, an associate professor of health policy and management at the University of Minnesota School of Public Health. Hardeman's research has focused on the impact racist institutions have on public health, including the prevalence of long-term stress and depression in minority communities.

"It's opened the eyes of a lot of white people who didn't have a grasp on what was happening," she said. But it's coming at the harm of a lot of people. "Having to relive those incidents over and over again is incredibly harmful for mental health and emotional wellbeing."



The Black Lives Matter hashtag is one of the most used on Twitter, ever.

Getty Images


Organizing response
Social media's also become a tool for organizing. When Twitter published a list of the most used hashtags on its platform in 2016, the top three were #Ferguson, #LoveWins and #BlackLivesMatter, making social justice issues the top most mentioned in the history of the service. 

A Pew Research Center analysis of Twitter data found part of what's made #BlackLivesMatter such a popular hashtag is how broadly it's been used. It's helped protesters organize, it's been the target of criticism for the movement, and it's identified new events and police misconduct. And it's become a rallying cry within the black community. 

Sixty-eight percent of black social media users are more likely than whites to say that at least some of the posts they see on social media are about race, Pew said. And 28% of black social media users say at least some of what they post about themselves is about race, whereas only 8% of white users said the same.

Those conversations have also helped spur more media coverage of black men being killed by police, according to a study by Ethan Zuckerman, an associate professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology Media Lab. 

Before 2014 -- when #BlackLivesMatter rose to national prominence following the police killing Michael Brown in Ferguson -- a black man killed by police in a city had a 39% chance of having at least one article published about him. Following 2014, a similar person had a 64% chance. 

"Not only were deaths more likely to be covered at all, they were more likely to be covered in detail," he wrote. "Because the movement helped lift up a narrative that connected individual events into a broader story of racism and its dangerous effects, it's reasonable to connect this news wave with the movement's efforts."


Shifting perception
Protesters throughout the US have marched and held memorials to Floyd nearly every day since the video of his arrest went viral. They've pushed public conversations on race, including on Capital Hill and in local legislatures. 

People are debating reducing police budgets across the country, a movement activists call "defund the police." 

Some cities are considering a complete reset of their police departments. The Minneapolis City Council on June 9 announced plans to disband its police department in favor of a new public safety program.



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Others are looking at reform, such as the New York State Assembly, which on June 8 passed a bill banning police from using deadly choke-holds. The bill is named after Eric Garner, an unarmed black man who was killed in 2014 when an NYPD officer used the hold on him. The video of his deadly encounter with the police, and his pleas, "I can't breathe," became a rallying cry for activists.

As New York was passing its choke-hold bill, Congressional Democrats on Capitol Hill unveiled the Justice in Policing Act. Among other things, it would ban facial recognition without a warrant. The bill also attempts to create transparency with a National Police Misconduct Registry, and mandates state and local law enforcement turn over data on use of force.

It's unclear though whether all these efforts will lead to real change. American politicians have responded to shocking and outrageous deaths before, introducing laws and advocating for change that never ultimately comes. 

The police department in Minneapolis, where Floyd was killed, missed opportunities to remove bad officers and change use of force rules such as banning controversial choke holds, according to reports by The Marshall Project. And the US Department of Justice has almost entirely retreated from investigating police misconduct since President Donald Trump was inaugurated in 2017, according to data compiled by the National Law Journal.

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236719 예약합니다|아ㅏ락|가ㅏ까|아어ㅓ|아어|다아ㅓ|기본형||||||윤민영|어ㅓ더|어더|어더ㅓㄷ|아다|ㅏㅇ아ㅏ|||||||| 1 secret 윤민영 2014.03.30 2014.03.30
236718 예약합니다|롱|ㅎㄹㄹ|ㅊㅍ|ㅓㅍ|ㄴㅇ||||앨범형|||ㅗㅗㅎ|ㅇㅇㄹ|박효선|호ㅗ|ㅎㅍㄹ|호|||||||| 1 secret 박효선 2014.07.12 2014.07.12
236717 예약합니다|노ㅗ도도|오ㅗ돋|야야|여여|여ㅕㅇ||||아트화보형|||애래ㅙㅗ|여ㅕㄹ|도고ㅗㄱ|여여ㅕㄱ|ㅓ아라|여ㅕㅇ|||||||| 1 secret 서진맘 2014.05.17 2014.05.17
236716 예약합니다|김유나|ㅕ0ㅠㅜ90|ㄹ2ㄷ|ㄷㄹ2|ㄹㄷ2|||||||ㅠ9708|ㄹㄷ2|ㄹㄷ2|ㄹㄷ2432432|ㄹㄷ2|ㄷㄹ2|||||||| 1 secret 김유나 2013.09.14 2013.09.14
236715 예약합니다|가애ㅣ|ㅏ아리|커니ㅏㅇ|너나|ㅓ어ㅓㄴ큐ㅗㄴ|기본형||||||ㅏ이라|오|오노|우너노|ㅓㅓ넌|오노ㅓㅇ|||||||| 1 secret 담이 2013.09.08 2013.09.08
236714 예약합니다|ㅕ0|ㅜㅕ09|2ㄷ|ㄷ2|2ㄷ|앨범형||||||ㅜㅕ90|ㄹㄷ2|ㄷ2|ㄹ2|김희원|ㅈㅍㅈㅍ|||||||| 1 secret 김희원 2014.01.23 2014.01.23
236713 예약합니다|ㅓ아아|아아ㅏ|타타|ㅏㅇ라|투우|아트화보형||||||안주희|ㅓ타ㅏㄹ|아ㅏㄹ|ㅏ아아|워나|터어|||||||| 1 secret 안주희 2014.04.24 2014.04.24
236712 예약합니다|ㅓ아라ㅏㄹ|ㅏ라라|여여|여여|ㅑㄹ랴|앨범형||||||아ㅏㄹ|ㅑ랴랴|ㅑㅑ랴ŽU|여려|ㅑŽU|ㅑ랴랴|||||||| 1 secret 박유미 2014.01.02 2014.01.02
236711 예약합니다|ㅏ아다|다다ㅏ|투우|어어|우|아트화보형||||||타어ㅓ|우우|ㅓㅇ어|아아|ㅏ아|아아|||||||| 1 secret 박혜영 2014.06.21 2014.06.21
236710 예약합니다|ㅏㄱ리ㅣ|ㅣ기기|어어|탸탸|터ㅓㅌ||||||앨범형|ㅣ디기|터터|토터|토터|오|어ㅏ|||||||| 1 secret 아인맘 2013.09.06 2013.09.06
236709 예약합니다|ㅋㄹㄲㄷㅋㅈㅈ|ㄲㄷㄷ|ㅎㅋㄷㅋㄷ|ㅋㄹㅋㄹ|ㅋㄹㅋㄷ|앨범형||||||ㅋㄹㅋㄷㅋㄷ|ㅋㄹㄹㅋㄷㅋㅈ|이상희|ㅋㄹㅋㄷㅋㅎ|ㅋㅎㅋㄷ|ㅋㅎㅋㄷ|||||||| 1 secret 이상희 2014.04.05 2014.04.05
236708 예약합니다|ㅇㄹ호|화ㅓ|커나어어|ㅓ어어|어어|아트화보형||||||호ㅕ|어어ㅏㅇ|어ㅓ아|어어ㅓ|아애|어ㅏ앙|||||||| 1 secret 조진경 2014.04.16 2014.04.16
236707 예약합니다|2014-3-22 6시 토요일 |서울 서대문역 바비엥2 몽뚜르|010|8990|8921|기본형||||||60|김서우|진용순, 김성준|진용순|서울시 종로구 무악동 무악현대아파트 103동 604호|ysotilia@naver.com|||||||| 1 secret 서우맘 2014.03.07 2014.03.07
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